Last week, I wrote about how campaign fundraising shapes access, strategy, and influence in Washington. It’s a billion-dollar environment—and it’s not going away.
But if you really want to understand why the system functions the way it does, you have to look deeper. The year-round congressional calendar—and the absence of term limits—create the conditions for dysfunction.
You may think Congress doesn’t work. But legislating actually fills the time. That’s the problem.
Congress meets nearly all year, every year. But instead of using that time to plan, debate, and govern, the calendar becomes a tool to create—and then delay—crises. Continuing resolutions (CRs), omnibus spending bills, and procedural brinkmanship aren’t bugs. They’re features of a system with too much time and too few boundaries.
Time is the Coin of the Congressional Realm
If Congress met less, it might do more. Deadlines would mean something. Priorities would rise to the top.
The year-round legislative schedule enables:
- Continuous campaigning and fundraising
- Crisis governing through short-term stopgaps
- Backloaded decisions that sacrifice long-term planning
Right now, we’re once again heading toward a continuing resolution to avoid a government shutdown. CRs are often framed as the easy button—but they’re really the lazy button.
CRs push hard decisions down the road, cost billions in lost planning value, and compound uncertainty across the entire federal enterprise.
A Look at the Record
Legislation Passed:
- 118th Congress (2023–25): Just 209 public laws — a 50-year low
- 1973–2000: Congress averaged 500–600 public laws per session
- 2001–2020: Dropped to 300–400 per session
On-Time Appropriations:
- Since 1977: Only 4 years saw all 12 appropriations bills passed by Oct. 1
- In 11 of the last 13 years: Zero were on time
Shutdowns:
- 10 major federal shutdowns since 1980
- Longest: 35 days in 2018–2019, costing an estimated $11 billion in lost GDP
Omnibus Bills and the Accountability Problem
Omnibus bills are what happens when regular order breaks down. They package everything into one massive vote—often hundreds or thousands of pages long, with little time to read or debate.
The result:
- Everyone can claim a win: “Look what I got in the bill.”
- Everyone can complain: “Look what they snuck in.”
- No one is accountable for the whole product.
Case in point: the One Big Beautiful Bill became a punchline because it was everything, everywhere, all at once. A bloated artifact of a broken process.
We are maneuvering another omnibus into place right now.
Term Limits: The Pressure Valve Reform
We often think about term limits as a moral correction—get rid of career politicians. But there’s a structural argument as well:
- With a fixed term, the incentive to delay vanishes.
- Members can focus on governing, not fundraising or survival.
- It encourages a sprint—not a stall—mentality.
Imagine:
- House members limited to 4 terms (8 years)
- Senators limited to 2 terms (12 years)
- Paired with a restructured legislative calendar (e.g., Jan–July only)
That would fundamentally reshape the rhythm of governing.
Understanding how Congress allocates time—and avoids decision-making—is essential context for businesses in federally influenced sectors.
You don’t have to agree with CRs, omnibus bills, or campaign finance law. But you do need to understand them. Because they define the rules of engagement.
And the more you understand how the time clock is manipulated, the better you can position your business, your message, and your relationships.
Some Examples Congress Can Look to for Inspiration
The U.S. Supreme Court operates on a remarkably disciplined calendar, hearing oral arguments from October through April and issuing decisions through June—a self-imposed nine-month window. This structure enforces focus and internal deadlines. Despite the compressed schedule, the Court regularly handles the nation’s most consequential legal questions. Its success is grounded in:
- Selective docketing – fewer than 100 cases are heard annually, allowing depth over volume
- Defined decision period – opinions are typically issued before July, creating urgency
- No extensions – the term ends, rulings must be made, and the cycle resets
This predictable cadence contrasts sharply with Congress’s chaotic and often reactive calendar, where legislation stalls, deadlines slip, and major decisions are routinely delayed until crisis points.
State legislatures across the country offer similar lessons in time-bound productivity. Many operate within tightly constrained windows, yet consistently pass budgets and complex legislation. For example:
- Florida: 60-day annual session
- Texas: 140 days every two years
- Virginia: 30 days in odd years, 60 in even years
- Utah: 45-day session, routinely enacts full budgets
- Washington State: 105 days, passed landmark climate bills
These sessions demand prioritization, force negotiation, and reward preparation. Legislating under time pressure doesn’t guarantee better governance—but it imposes structure. Courts and states show that deadlines can drive results. Why shouldn’t Congress be held to a similar standard?
Congress would do better to work less but with more focus and purpose.

